MR.  PENROSE 


U.  S.  8. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
AT   LOS  ANGELES 


GIFT  OF 

Eugene  E.  Trussing 


w 


- 


Washington1^ 


people 


of  the 


PUBLISHED  IN  SEPTEMBER,  A.  D.  1796. 

Printed  in  pursuance  of  a  resolution  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
adopted  on  the  sad  day  of  February,  A.  D.  1837. 

Reprinted  in  pursuance  of  a  resolution  of  the  Senate  adopted  on  the 
lath  day  of  February,  A.  D.  igoo. 


Government  Prtnttng  Office. 
MDPCCO.' 


To  the  people  of  the  United  States. 

FRIENDS  AND  FELLOW  CITIZENS  :  The  period 

§     for  a  new  election  of  a  citizen  to  administer  the 

executive    government   of    the    United    States 

in  o 

>     being  not  far  distant,  and  the  time  actually  ar- 
rived when  your  thoughts  must  be  employed  in 
designating  the  person  who  is  to  be  clothed 
c^  with   that   important   trust,   it  appears   to   me 
proper,  especially  as  it  may  conduce  to  a  more 
£     distinct  expression  of  the  public  voice,  that  I 
0^     should  now  apprise  you  of  the  resolution  I  have 
i^     formed,  to  decline  being  considered  among  the 
IM      number  of  those,  out  of  whom  a  choice  is  to  be 
made. 

u- 

I  beg  you,  at  the  same  time,  to  do  jane  the  jus- 

|Ap 

<s>  tice  to  be  assured,  that  this  resolution  ^has  not 
been  taken,  without  a  strict  regard  to  all  the 
considerations  appertaining  to  the  relation  which 


?*•*  f~^  *~~* 

"' 
*,; 


binds  a  dutiful  citizen  to  his  country ;  and  that, 
in  withdrawing  the  tender  of  service  which 
silence  in  my  situation  might  imply,  I  am  in- 
fluenced by  no  diminution  of  zeal  for  your 
future  interest ;  no  deficiency  of  grateful  respect 
for  your  past  kindness ;  but  am  supported  by  a 
full  conviction  that  the  step  is  compatible  with 
both. 

The  acceptance  of,  and  continuance  hitherto 
in  the  office  to  which  your  suffrages  have  twice 
called  me,  have  been  a  uniform  sacrifice  of  in- 
clination to  the  opinion  of  duty,  and  to  a  defer- 
ence for  what  appeared  to  be  your  desire.  I 
constantly  hoped  that  it  would  have  been  much 
earlier  in  my  power,  consistently  with  motives 
which  I  was  not  at  liberty  to  disregard,  to  return 
to  that  retirement  from  which  I  had  been  reluc- 
tantly drawn.  The  strength  of  my  inclination 
to  do  this,  previous  to  the  last  election,  had  even 
led  to  the  preparation  of  an  address  to  declare 
it  to  you ;  but  mature  reflection  on  the  then 
perplexed  and  critical  posture  of  our  affairs  with 


foreign  nations,  and  the  unanimous  advice  of 
persons  entitled  to  my  confidence,  impelled  me 
to  abandon  the  idea. 

I  rejoice  that  the  state  of  your  concerns  ex- 
ternal as  well  as  internal,  no  longer  renders 
the  pursuit  of  inclination  incompatible  with  the 
sentiment  of  duty  or  propriety;  and  am  per- 
suaded, whatever  partiality  may  be  retained  for 
my  services,  that  in  the  present  circumstances 
of  our  country,  you  will  not  disapprove  my 
determination  to  retire. 

The  impressions  with  which  I  first  undertook 
the  arduous  trust,  were  explained  on  the  proper 
occasion.  In  the  discharge  of  this  trust,  I  will 
only  say  that  I  have,  with  good  intentions,  con- 
tributed towards  the  organization  and  adminis- 
tration of  the  government,  the  best  exertions 
of  which  a  very  fallible  judgment  was  capable. 
Not  unconscious  in  the  outset,  of  the  inferiority 
of  my  qualifications,  experience,  in  my  own  eyes, 
perhaps  still  more  in  the  eyes  of  others,  has 
strengthened  the  motives  to  diffidence  of  myself ; 


6 

and,  every  day,  the  increasing  weight  of  years 
admonishes  me  more  and  more,  that  the  shade 
of  retirement  is  as  necessary  to  me  as  it  will  be 
welcome.  Satisfied  that  if  any  circumstances 
have  given  peculiar  value  to  my  services  they 
were  temporary,  I  have  the  consolation  to 
believe  that,  while  choice  and  prudence  invite 
me  to  quit  the  political  scene,  patriotism  does 
not  forbid  it. 

In  looking  forward  to  the  moment  which  is 
to  terminate  the  career  of  my  political  life,  my 

feelings  do  not  permit  me  to  suspend  the  deep 

• 

p  acknowledgment  of  that  debt  of  gratitude  which 
I  owe  to  my  beloved  country,  for  the  many 
honors  it  has  conferred  upon  me ;  still  more  for 
the  steadfast  confidence  with  which  it  has  sup- 
ported me;  and  for  the  opportunities  I  have 
thence  enjoyed  of  manifesting  my  inviolable 
attachment,  by  services  faithful  and  persevering, 
though  in  usefulness  unequal  to  my  zeal.  If 
benefits  have  resulted  to  our  country  from 
these  services,  let  it  always  be  remembered  to 


your  praise,  and  as  an  instructive  example  in 
our  annals,  that  under  circumstances  in  which 
the  passions,  agitated  in  every  direction,  were 
liable  to  mislead  amidst  appearances  some- 
times dubious,  vicissitudes  of  fortune  often 
discouraging — in  situations  in  which  not  unfre- 
quently,  want  of  success  has  countenanced  the 
spirit  of  criticism, — the  constancy  of  your  sup- 
port was  the  essential  prop  of  the  efforts,  and  a 
guarantee  of  the  plans,  by  which  they  were 
effected.  Profoundly  penetrated  with  this  idea, 
I  shall  carry  it  with  me  to  my  grave,  as  a  strong 
incitement  to  unceasing  vows  that  heaven  may 
continue  to  you  the  choicest  tokens  of  its  benefi- 
cence— that  your  union  and  brotherly  affection 
may  be  perpetual — that  the  free  constitution, 
which  is  the  work  of  your  hands,  may  be 
sacredly  maintained — that  its  administration  in 
every  department  may  be  stamped  with  wisdom 
and  virtue — that,  in  fine,  the  happiness  of  the 
people  of  these  states,  under  the  auspices  of 
liberty,  may  be  made  complete  by  so  careful  a 


8 

preservation,  and  so  prudent  a  use  of  this  bless- 
ing, as  will  acquire  to  them  the  glory  of  recom- 
mending it  to  the  applause,  the  affection  and 
adoption  of  every  nation  which  is  yet  a  stran- 
ger to  it. 

Here,  perhaps,  I  ought  to  stop.  But  a  solici- 
tude for  your  welfare,  which  cannot  end  but 
with  my  life,  and  the  apprehension  of  danger, 
natural  to  that  solicitude,  urge  me,  on  an  occa- 
sion like  the  present,  to  offer  to  your  solemn 
contemplation,  and  to  recommend  to  your  fre- 
quent review,  some  sentiments  which  are  the 
result  of  much  reflection,  of  no  inconsiderable 
observation,  and  which  appear  to  me  all  impor- 
tant to  the  permanency  of  your  felicity  as  a 
people.  These  will  be  offered  to  you  with  the 
more  freedom,  as  you  can  only  see  in  them  the 
disinterested  warnings  of  a  parting  friend,  who 
can  possibly  have  no  personal  motive  to  bias 
his  counsel.  Nor  can  I  forget,  as  an  encourage- 
ment to  it,  your  indulgent  reception  of  my 
sentiments  on  a  former  and  not  dissimilar 
occasion. 


Interwoven  as  is  the  love  of  liberty  with  every 
ligament  of  your  hearts,  no  recommendation  of 
mine  is  necessary  to  fortify  or  confirm  the  attach- 
ment, y 

The  unity  of  government  which  constitutes 
you  one  people,  is  also  now  dear  to  you.  It  is 
justly  so ;  for  it  is  a  main  pillar  in  the  edifice  of 
your  real  independence ;  the  support  of  your 
tranquillity  at  home  :  your  peace  abroad  ;  of  your 
safety ;  of  your  prosperity ;  of  that  very  liberty 
which  you  so  highly  prize.  But,  as  it  is  easy  to 
foresee  that,  from  different  causes  and  from  dif- 
ferent quarters  much  pains  will  be  taken,  many 
artifices  employed,  to  weaken  in  your  minds  the 
conviction  of  this  truth ;  as  this  is  the  point  in 
your  political  fortress  against  which  the  batter- 
ies of  internal  and  external  enemies  will  be 
most  constantly  and  actively  (though  often  cov- 
ertly and  insidiously)  directed ;  it  is  of  infinite 
moment,  that  you  should  properly  estimate  the 
immense  value  of  your  national  union  to  your 
collective  and  individual  happiness;  that  you 


IO 

should  cherish  a  cordial,  habitual,  and  immov- 
able attachment  to  it;  accustoming  yourselves 
to  think  and  speak  of  it  as  of  the  palladium  of 
your  political  safety  and  prosperity ;  watching 
for  its  preservation  with  jealous  anxiety;  dis- 
countenancing whatever  may  suggest  even  a 
suspicion  that  it  can,  in  any  event,  be  abandoned ; 
and  indignantly  frowning  upon  the  first  dawning 
of  every  attempt  to  alienate  any  portion  of  our 
country  from  the  rest,  or  to  enfeeble  the  sacred 
ties  which  now  link  together  the  various  parts. 
^For  this  you  have  every  inducement  of  sym- 
pathy and  interest.  Citizens  by  birth,  or  choice, 
of  a  common  country,  that  country  has  a  right 
to  concentrate  your  affections.  The  name  of 
American,  which  belongs  to  you  in  your  na- 
tional capacity,  must  always  exalt  the  just  pride 
of  patriotism,  more  than  any  appellation  derived 
from  local  discriminations.  With  slight  shades 
of  difference,  you  have  the  same  religion,  man- 
ners, habits,  and  political  principles. — You  have, 
in  a  common  cause,  fought  and  triumphed  to- 


. 

II 

gether;  the  independence  and  liberty  you 
possess,  are  the  work  of  joint  counsels,  and  joint 
efforts,  of  common  dangers,  sufferings  and 
successes. 

But  these  considerations,  however  powerfully 
they  address  themselves  to  your  sensibility,  are 
greatly  outweighed  by  those  which  apply  more 
immediately  to  your  interest. — Here,  every  por- 
tion of  our  country  finds  the  most  commanding 
motives  for  carefully  guarding  and  preserving 
the  union  of  the  whole.  > 

The  north,  in  an  unrestrained  intercourse 
with  the  south,  protected  by  the  equal  laws  of 
a  common  government,  finds  in  the  productions 
of  the  latter,  great  additional  resources  of  mari- 
time and  commercial  enterprise,  and  precious 
materials  of  manufacturing  industry. — The 
south,  in  the  same  intercourse,  benefiting  by  the 
same  agency  of  the  north,  sees  its  agriculture 
grow  and  its  commerce  expand.  Turning  partly 
into  its  own  channels  the  seamen  of  the  north, 
it  finds  its  particular  navigation  invigorated ; 


12 

and  while  it  contributes,  in  different  ways,  to 
nourish  and  increase  the  general  mass  of  the 
national  navigation,  it  looks  forward  to  the  pro- 
tection of  a  maritime  strength,  to  which  itself  is 
unequally  adapted.  The  east,  in  a  like  inter- 
course with  the  west,  already  finds,  and  in  the 
progressive  improvement  of  interior  communi- 
cations by  land  and  water,  will  more  and  more 
find  a  valuable  vent  for  the  commodities  which 
it  brings  from  abroad,  or  manufactures  at  home. 
The  west  derives  from  the  east  supplies  requisite 
to  its  growth  and  comfort — and  what  is  perhaps 
of  still  greater  consequence,  it  must  of  necessity 
owe  the  secure  enjoyment  of  indispensable  out- 
lets for  its  own  productions,  to  the  weight, 
influence,  and  the  future  maritime  strength  of 
the  Atlantic  side  of  the  Union,  directed  by  an 
indissoluble  community  of  interest  as  one  na- 
tion. Any  other  tenure  by  which  the  west  can 
hold  this  essential  advantage,  whether  derived 
from  its  own  separate  strength ;  or  from  an 
apostate  and  unnatural  connection  with  any 
foreign  power,  must  be  intrinsically  precarious. 


13  / 

( 
While  then  every  part  of  our  country  thus 

feels  an  immediate  and  particular  interest  in 
union,  all  the  parts  combined  cannot  fail  to 
find  in  the  united  mass  of  means  and  efforts, 
greater  strength,  greater  resource,  proportion- 
ably  greater  security  from  external  danger,  a 
less  frequent  interruption  of  their  peace  by  for- 
eign nations ;  and,  what  is  of  inestimable  value, 
they  must  derive  from  union,  an  exemption  from 
those  broils  and  wars  between  themselves,  which 
so  frequently  afflict  neighboring  countries  not 
tied  together  by  the  same  government;  which 
their  own  rivalship  alone  would  be  sufficient  to 
produce,  but  which  opposite  foreign  alliances, 
attachments,  and  intrigues,  would  stimulate  and 
embitter. — Hence  likewise,  they  will  avoid  the 
necessity  of  those  overgrown  military  establish- 
ments, which  under  any  form  of  government 
are  inauspicious  to  liberty,  and  which  are  to  be 
regarded  as  particularly  hostile  to  republican 
liberty.  In  this  sense  it  is,  that  your  union  ought 
to  be  considered  as  a  main  prop  of  your  liberty, 


and  that  the  love  of  the  one  ought  to  endear  to 
you  the  preservation  of  the  other. 

These  considerations  speak  a  persuasive  lan- 
guage to  every  reflecting  and  virtuous  mind, 
and  exhibit  the  continuance  of  the  union  as  a 
primary  object  of  patriotic  desire.  Is  there  a 
doubt  whether  a  common  government  can 
embrace  so  large  a  sphere?  let  experience 
solve  it.  To  listen  to  mere  speculation  in  such 
a  case  were  criminal.  We  are  authorized  to 
hope  that  a  proper  organization  of  the  whole, 
with  the  auxiliary  agency  of  governments  for 
the  respective  subdivisions,  will  afford  a  happy 
issue  to  the  experiment.  It  is  well  worth  a  fair 
and  full  experiment.  With  such  powerful  and 
obvious  motives  to  union,  affecting  all  parts  of 
our  country,  while  experience  shall  not  have 
demonstrated  its  impracticability,  there  will 
always  be  reason  to  distrust  the  patriotism  of 
those  who,  in  any  quarter,  may  endeavor  to 
weaken  its  hands. 

In  contemplating  the  causes  which  may  dis- 


turb  our  Union,  it  occurs  as  matter  of  serious 
concern,  that  any  ground  should  have  been  fur- 
nished for  characterizing  parties  by  geographical 
discriminations, — northern  and  southern — At- 
lantic and  western;  whence  designing  men 
may  endeavor  to  excite  a  belief  that  there  is  a 
real  difference  of  local  interests  and  views.  One 
of  the  expedients  of  party  to  acquire  influence 
within  particular  districts,  is  to  misrepresent  the 
opinions  and  aims  of  other  districts.  You  can- 
not shield  yourselves  too  much  against  the 
jealousies  and  heart  burnings  which  spring  from 
these  misrepresentations :  they  tend  to  render 
alien  to  each  other  those  who  ought  to  be  bound 
together  by  fraternal  affection.  The  inhabitants 
of  our  western  country  have  lately  had  a  useful 
lesson  on  this  head :  they  have  seen,  in  the 
negotiation  by  the  executive,  and  in  the  unani- 
mous ratification  by  the  senate  of  the  treaty 
with  Spain,  and  in  the  universal  satisfaction  at 
the  event  throughout  the  United  States,  a 
decisive  proof  how  unfounded  were  the  sus- 


i6 

picions  propagated  among  them  of  a  policy  in 
the  general  government  and  in  the  Atlantic 
states,  unfriendly  to  their  interests  in  regard  to 
the  Mississippi.  They  have  been  witnesses  to 
the  formation  of  two  treaties,  that  with  Great 
Britain  and  that  with  Spain,  which  secure  to 
them  every  thing  they  could  desire,  in  respect  to 
our  foreign  relations,  towards  confirming  their 
prosperity.  Will  it  not  be  their  wisdom  to  f^?; 
rely  for  the  preservation  of  these  advantages  on 
the  union  by  which  they  were  procured?  will 
they  not  henceforth  be  deaf  to  those  advisers,  if 
such  they  are,  who  would  sever  them  from  their 
brethren  and  connect  them  with  aliens? 

To  the  efficacy  and  permanency  of  your  Union, 
a  government  for  the  whole  is  indispensable. 
No  alliances,  however  strict,  between  the  parts 
can  be  an  adequate  substitute;  they  must 
inevitably  experience  the  infractions  and  inter- 
ruptions which  all  alliances,  in  all  times,  have 
experienced.  Sensible  of  this  momentous  truth, 
you  have  improved  upon  your  first  essay,  by  the 


I? 

adoption  of  a  constitution  of  government,  better 
calculated  than  your  former,  for  an  intimate 
union,  and  for  the  efficacious  management  of 
your  common  concerns.  This  government,  the 
offspring  of  our  own  choice,  uninfluenced  and 
unawed,  adopted  upon  full  investigation  and 
mature  deliberation,  completely  free  in  its  prin- 
ciples, in  the  distribution  of  its  powers,  uniting 
security  with  energy,  and  containing  within 
itself  a  provision  for  its  own  amendment,  has  a 
just  claim  to  your  confidence  and  your  support. 
Respect  for  its  authority,  compliance  with  its 
laws,  acquiescence  in  its  measures,  are  duties 
enjoined  by  the  fundamental  maxims  of  true 
liberty.  The  basis  of  our  political  systems  is 
the  right  of  the  people  to  make  and  to  alter 
their  constitutions  of  government. — But  the 
constitution  which  at  any  time  exists,  until 
changed  by  an  explicit  and  authentic  act  of  the 
whole  people,  is  sacredly  obligatory  upon  all. 
The  very  idea  of  the  power,  and  the  right  of  the 
people  to  establish  government,  presuppose  the 


i8 

duty  of  every  individual  to  obey  the  estab- 
lished government 

All  obstructions  to  the  execution  of  the  laws, 
all  combinations  and  associations  under  what- 
ever plausible  character,  with  the  real  design  to 
direct,  control,  counteract,  or  awe  the  regular 
deliberations  and  action  of  the  constituted 
authorities,  are  destructive  of  this  fundamental 
principle,  and  of  fatal  tendency. — They  serve  to 
organize  faction,  to  give  it  an  artificial  and 
extraordinary  force,  to  put  in  the  place  of  the 
delegated  will  of  the  nation  the  will  of  party, 
often  a  small  but  artful  and  enterprising  minor- 
ity of  the  community;  and,  according  to  the 
alternate  triumphs  of  different  parties,  to  make 
the  public  administration  the  mirror  of  the  ill 
concerted  and  incongruous  projects  of  faction, 
rather  than  the  organ  of  consistent  and  whole- 
some plans  digested  by  common  councils,  and 
modified  by  mutual  interests. 

However  combinations  or  associations  of  the 
above  description  may  now  and  then  answer 


19 

popular  ends,  they  are  likely,  in  the  course  of 
time  and  things,  to  become  potent  engines,  by 
which  cunning,  ambitious,  and  unprincipled 
men,  will  be  enabled  to  subvert  the  power  of 
the  people,  and  to  usurp  for  themselves  the 
reins  of  government ;  destroying  afterwards  the 
very  engines  which  have  lifted  them  to  unjust 
dominion. 

Towards  the  preservation  of  your  govern- 
ment and  the  permanency  of  your  present  happy 
state,  it  is  requisite,  not  only  that  you  steadily 
discountenance  irregular  opposition  to  its  ac- 
knowledged authority,  but  also  that  you  resist 
with  care  the  spirit  of  innovation  upon  its  princi- 
ples, however  specious  the  pretext.  One  method 
of  assault  may  be  to  effect,  in  the  forms  of  the 
constitution,  alterations  which  will  impair  the 
energy  of  the  system;  and  thus  to  undermine 
what  cannot  be  directly  overthrown.  In  all 
the  changes  to  which  you  may  be  invited, 
remember  that  time  and  habit  are  at  least  as 
necessary  to  fix  the  true  character  of  govern- 


20 

ments,  as  of  other  human  institutions : — that  ex- 
perience is  the  surest  standard  by  which  to  test 
the  real  tendency  of  the  existing  constitution  of 
a  country: — that  facility  in  changes,  upon  the 
credit  of  mere  hypothesis  and  opinion,  exposes 
to  perpetual  change  from  the  endless  variety  of 
hypothesis  and  opinion :  and  remember,  espe- 
cially, that  for  the  efficient  management  of  your 
common  interests  in  a  country  so  extensive  as 
ours,  a  government  of  as  much  vigor  as  is  con- 
sistent with  the  perfect  security  of  liberty  is  in- 
dispensable. Liberty  itself  will  find  in  such  a 
government,  with  powers  properly  distributed 
and  adjusted,  its  surest  guardian.  It  is,  indeed, 
little  else  than  a  name,  where  the  government  is 
too  feeble  to  withstand  the  enterprises  of  faction, 
to  confine  each  member  of  the  society  within  the 
limits  prescribed  by  the  laws,  and  to  maintain 
all  in  the  secure  and  tranquil  enjoyment  of  the 
rights  of  person  and  property. 

I  have  already  intimated  to  you  the  danger 
of  parties  in  the  state,  with  particular  references 


21 

to  the  founding  them  on  geographical  dis- 
crimination. Let  me  now  take  a  more  compre- 
hensive view,  and  warn  you  in  the  most  solemn 
manner  against  the  baneful  effects  of  the  spirit 
of  party  generally. 

This  spirit,  unfortunately,  is  inseparable  from 
our  nature,  having  its  root  in  the  strongest 
passions  of  the  human  mind. — It  exists  under 
different  shapes  in  all  governments,  more  or  less 
stifled,  controlled,  or  repressed ;  but  in  those  of 
the  popular  form  it  is  seen  in  its  greatest  rank- 
ness,  and  is  truly  their  worst  enemy. 

The  alternate  domination  of  one  faction  over 
another,  sharpened  by  the  spirit  of  revenge  nat- 
ural to  party  dissension,  which  in  different  ages 
and  countries  has  perpetrated  the  most  horrid 
enormities,  is  itself  a  frightful  despotism. — But 
this  leads  at  length  to  a  more  formal  and  per- 
manent despotism.  The  disorders  and  miseries 
which  result,  gradually  incline  the  minds  of 
men  to  seek  security  and  repose  in  the  absolute 
power  of  an  individual ;  and,  sooner  or  later,  the 


22 

chief  of  some  prevailing  faction,  more  able  or 
more  fortunate  than  his  competitors,  turns  this 
disposition  to  the  purpose  of  his  own  elevation 
on  the  ruins  of  public  liberty. 

Without  looking  forward  to  an  extremity  of 
this  kind,  (which  nevertheless  ought  not  to  be 
entirely  out  of  sight)  the  common  and  con- 
tinual mischiefs  of  the  spirit  of  party  are  suffi- 
cient to  make  it  the  interest  and  duty  of  a  wise 
people  to  discourage  and  restrain  it. 

It  serves  always  to  distract  the  public  coun- 
cils, and  enfeeble  the  public  administration.  It 
agitates  the  community  with  ill  founded  jeal- 
ousies and  false  alarms ;  kindles  the  animosity 
of  one  part  against  another ;  foments  occasional 
riot  and  insurrection.  It  opens  the  door  to 
foreign  influence  and  corruption,  which  finds 
a  facilitated  access  to  the  government  itself 
through  the  channels  of  party  passions.  Thus 
the  policy  and  the  will  of  one  country  are  sub- 
jected to  the  policy  and  will  of  another. 

There    is    an    opinion   that    parties    in    free 


23 

countries  are  useful  checks  upon  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  government,  and  serve  to  keep 
alive  the  spirit  of  liberty.  This  within  certain 
limits  is  probably  true ;  and  in  governments  of  a 
monarchical  cast,  patriotism  may  look  with  indul- 
gence, if  not  with  favor,  upon  the  spirit  of  party. 
But  in  those  of  the  popular  character,  in  govern- 
ments purely  elective,  it  is  a  spirit  not  to  be 
encouraged.  From  their  natural  tendency,  it  is 
certain  there  will  always  be  enough  of  that  spirit 
for  every  salutary  purpose.  And  there  being  con- 
stant danger  of  excess,  the  effort  ought  to  be,  by 
force  of  public  opinion,  to  mitigate  and  assuage 
it.  A  fire  not  to  be  quenched,  it  demands  a 
uniform  vigilance  to  prevent  it  bursting  into 
a  flame,  lest  instead  of  warming,  it  should 
consume. 

It  is  important  likewise,  that  the  habits  of 
thinking  in  a  free  country  should  inspire  cau- 
tion in  those  intrusted  with  its  administration, 
to  confine  themselves  within  their  respective 
constitutional  spheres,  avoiding  in  the  exercise 


24 

of  the  powers  of  one  department,  to  encroach 
upon  another.  The  spirit  of  encroachment 
tends  to  consolidate  the  powers  of  all  the  de- 
partments in  one,  and  thus  to  create,  whatever 
the  form  of  government,  a  real  despotism.  A 
just  estimate  of  that  love  of  power  and  prone- 
ness  to  abuse  it  which  predominate  in  the 
human  heart,  is  sufficient  to  satisfy  us  of  the 
truth  of  this  position.  The  necessity  of  recip- 
rocal checks  in  the  exercise  of  political  power, 
by  dividing  and  distributing  it  into  different  de- 
positories, and  constituting  each  the  guardian 
of  the  public  weal  against  invasions  of  the 
others,  has  been  evinced  by  experiments  an- 
cient and  modern :  some  of  them  in  our  coun- 
try and  under  our  own  eyes. — To  preserve  them 
must  be  as  necessary  as  to  institute  them.  If, 
in  the  opinion  of  the  people,  the  distribution  or 
modification  of  the  constitutional  powers  be  in 
any  particular  wrong,  let  it  be  corrected  by 
an  amendment  in  the  way  which  the  constitu- 
tion designates. — But  let  there  be  no  change  by 


25 

usurpation  ;  for  though  this,  in  one  instance,  may 
be  the  instrument  of  good,  it  is  the  customary 
weapon  by  which  free  governments  are  de- 
stroyed. The  precedent  must  always  greatly 
overbalance  in  permanent  evil,  any  partial  or 
transient  benefit  which  the  use  can  at  any  time 
yield. 

Of  all  the  dispositions  and  habits  which  lead 
to  political  prosperity,  religion  and  morality  are 
indispensable  supports.  In  vain  would  that 
man  claim  the  tribute  of  patriotism,  who  should 
labor  to  subvert  these  great  pillars  of  human 
happiness,  these  firmest  props  of  the  duties  of 
men  and  citizens.  The  mere  politician,  equally 
with  the  pious  man,  ought  to  respect  and  to 
cherish  them.  A  volume  could  not  trace  all 
their  connections  with  private  and  public  felic- 
ity. Let  it  simply  be  asked,  where  is  the 
security  for  property,  for  reputation,  for  life,  if 
the  sense  of  religious  obligation  desert  the  oaths 
which  are  the  instruments  of  investigation  in 
courts  of  justice  ?  and  let  us  with  caution 


26 

indulge  the  supposition  that  morality  can  be 
maintained  without  religion.  Whatever  may 
be  conceded  to  the  influence  of  refined  educa- 
tion on  minds  of  peculiar  structure,  reason  and 
experience  both  forbid  us  to  expect,  that 
national  morality  can  prevail  in  exclusion  of 
religious  principle. 

It  is  substantially  true,  that  virtue  or  morality 
is  a  necessary  spring  of  popular  government. 
The  rule,  indeed,  extends  with  more  or  less  force 
to  every  species  of  free  government.  Who  that 
is  a  sincere  friend  to  it  can  look  with  indifference 
upon  attempts  to  shake  the  foundation  of  the 
fabric  ? 

Promote,  then,  as  an  object  of  primary  impor- 
tance, institutions  for  the  general  diffusion  of 
knowledge.  In  proportion  as  the  structure  of 
a  government  gives  force  to  public  opinion,  it 
should  be  enlightened. 

As  a  very  important  source  of  strength  and 
security,  cherish  public  credit.  One  method  of 
preserving  it  is  to  use  it  as  sparingly  as  possi- 


27 

ble,  avoiding  occasions  of  expense  by  cultivat- 
ing peace,  but  remembering,  also,  that  timely 
disbursements,  to  prepare  for  danger,  frequently 
prevent  much  greater  disbursements  to  repel 
it;  avoiding  likewise  the  accumulation  of  debt, 
not  only  by  shunning  occasions  of  expense,  but 
by  vigorous  exertions,  in  time  of  peace,  to  dis- 
charge the  debts  which  unavoidable  wars  may 
have  occasioned,  not  ungenerously  throwing 
upon  posterity  the  burden  which  we  ourselves 
ought  to  bear.  The  execution  of  these  maxims 
belongs  to  your  representatives,  but  it  is  neces- 
sary that  public  opinion  should  co-operate.  To 
facilitate  to  them  the  performance  of  their  duty, 
it  is  essential  that  you  should  practically  bear  in 
mind,  that  towards  the  payment  of  debts  there 
must  be  revenue ;  that  to  have  revenue  there 
must  be  taxes ;  that  no  taxes  can  be  devised 
which  are  not  more  or  less  inconvenient  and 
unpleasant;  that  the  intrinsic  embarrassment 
inseparable  from  the  selection  of  the  proper 
object  (which  is  always  a  choice  of  difficulties,) 


28 

ought  to  be  a  decisive  motive  for  a  candid  con- 
struction of  the  conduct  of  the  government  in 
making  it,  and  for  a  spirit  of  acquiescence  in 
the  measures  for  obtaining  revenue,  which  the 
public  exigencies  may  at  any  time  dictate. 

Observe  good  faith  and  justice  towards  all 
nations ;  cultivate  peace  and  harmony  with 
all.  Religion  and  morality  enjoin  this  conduct, 
and  can  it  be  that  good  policy  does  not  equally 
enjoin  it?  It  will  be  worthy  of  a  free,  enlight- 
ened, and,  at  no  distant  period,  a  great  nation, 
to  give  to  mankind  the  magnanimous  and  too 
novel  example  of  a  people  always  guided  by  an 
exalted  justice  and  benevolence.  Who  can 
doubt  but,  in  the  course  of  time  and  things,  the 
fruits  of  such  a  plan  would  richly  repay  any 
temporary  advantages  which  might  be  lost  by 
a  steady  adherence  to  it ;  can  it  be  that  Provi- 
dence has  not  connected  the  permanent  felicity 
of  a  nation  with  its  virtue?  The  experiment, 
at  least,  is  recommended  by  every  sentiment 
which  ennobles  human  nature.  Alas  !  is  it  ren- 
dered impossible  by  its  vices? 


29    . 

In  the  execution  of  such  a  plan,  nothing  is 
more  essential  than  that  permanent,  inveterate 
antipathies  against  particular  nations  and  pas- 
sionate attachments  for  others,  should  be  ex- 
cluded ;  and  that,  in  place  of  them,  just  and  ami- 
cable feelings  towards  all  should  be  cultivated. 
The  nation  which  indulges  towards  another  an 
habitual  hatred,  or  an  habitual  fondness,  is  in 
some  degree  a  slave.  It  is  a  slave  to  its  ani- 
mosity or  to  its  affection,  either  of  which  is  suffi- 
cient to  lead  it  astray  from  its  duty  and  its 
interest.  Antipathy  in  one  nation  against 
another,  disposes  each  more  readily  to  offer  insult 
and  injury,  to  lay  hold  of  slight  causes  of  um- 
brage, and  to  be  haughty  and  intractable  when 
accidental  or  trifling  occasions  of  dispute  occur. 
Hence,  frequent  collisions,  obstinate,  enven- 
omed, and  bloody  contests.  The  nation, 
prompted  by  ill  will  and  resentment,  some- 
times impels  to  war  the  government,  contrary 
to  the  best  calculations  of  policy.  The  gov- 
ernment sometimes  participates  in  the  national 


30 

propensity,  and  adopts  through  passion  what 
reason  would  reject;  at  other  times,  it  makes 
the  animosity  of  the  nation  subservient  to  pro- 
jects of  hostility,  instigated  by  pride,  ambition, 
and  other  sinister  and  pernicious  motives.  The 
peace  often,  sometimes  perhaps  the  liberty  of 
nations,  has  been  the  victim. 

So  likewise,  a  passionate  attachment  of  one 
nation  for  another  produces  a  variety  of  evils. 
Sympathy  for  the  favorite  nation,  facilitating  the 
illusion  of  an  imaginary  common  interest,  in 
cases  where  no  real  common  interest  exists,  and 
infusing  into  one  the  enmities  of  the  other, 
betrays  the  former  into  a  participation  in  the 
quarrels  and  wars  of  the  latter,  without  adequate 
inducements  or  justifications.  It  leads  also  to 
concessions,  to  the  favorite  nation,  of  privileges 
denied  to  others,  which  is  apt  doubly  to  injure 
the  nation  making  the  concessions,  by  unneces- 
sarily parting  with  what  ought  to  have  been 
retained,  and  by  exciting  jealousy,  ill  will,  and 
a  disposition  to  retaliate  in  the  parties  from 


whom  equal  privileges  are  withheld  :  and  it 
gives  to  ambitious,  corrupted  or  deluded  citi- 
zens who  devote  themselves  to  the  favorite 
nation,  facility  to  betray  or  sacrifice  the  interests 
of  their  own  country,  without  odium,  sometimes 
even  with  popularity ;  gilding  with  the  appear- 
ances of  a  virtuous  sense  of  obligation,  a  com- 
mendable deference  for  public  opinion,  or  a 
laudable  zeal  for  public  good,  the  base  or  fool- 
ish compliances  of  ambition,  corruption,  or 
infatuation. 

As  avenues  to  foreign  influence  in  innumera- 
ble ways,  such  attachments  are  particularly  alarm- 
ing to  the  truly  enlightened  and  independent 
patriot.  How  many  opportunities  do  they  afford 
to  tamper  with  domestic  factions,  to  practice  the 
arts  of  seduction,  to  mislead  public  opinion,  to 
influence  or  awe  the  public  councils ! — Such  an 
attachment  of  a  small  or  weak,  towards  a  great 
and  powerful  nation,  dooms  the  former  to  be  the 
satellite  of  the  latter. 

Against  the  insidious  wiles  of  foreign  influ- 


32 

ence,  (I  conjure  you  to  believe  me  fellow  citi- 
zens,) the  jealousy  of  a  free  people  ought  to  be 
constantly  awake ;  since  history  and  experience 
prove,  that  foreign  influence  is  one  of  the  most 
baneful  foes  of  republican  government.  But 
that  jealousy,  to  be  useful,  must  be  impartial, 
else  it  becomes  the  instrument  of  the  very  influ- 
ence to  be  avoided,  instead  of  a  defense  against 
it.  Excessive  partiality  for  one  foreign  nation 
and  excessive  dislike  for  another,  cause  those 
whom  they  actuate  to  see  danger  only  on  one 
side,  and  serve  to  veil  and  even  second  the  arts 
of  influence  on  the  other.  Real  patriots,  who 
may  resist  the  intrigues  of  the  favorite,  are  liable 
to  become  suspected  and  odious ;  while  its  tools 
and  dupes  usurp  the  applause  and  confidence 
of  the  people,  to  surrender  their  interests. 

The  great  rule  of  conduct  for  us,  in  regard  to 
foreign  nations,  is,  in  extending  our  commercial 
relations,  to  have  with  them  as  little  political 
connection  as  possible.  So  far  as  we  have 
already  formed  engagements,  let  them  be  ful- 
filled with  perfect  good  faith : — Here  let  us  stop. 


33 

Europe  has  a  set  of  primary  interests,  which 
to  us  have  none,  or  a  very  remote  relation. 
Hence,  she  must  be  engaged  in  frequent  con- 
troversies, the  causes  of  which  are  essentially 
foreign  to  our  concerns.  Hence,  therefore,  it 
must  be  unwise  in  us  to  implicate  ourselves,  by 
artificial  ties,  in  the  ordinary  vicissitudes  of  her 
politics,  or  the  ordinary  combinations  and  col- 
lisions of  her  friendships  or  enmities. 

Our  detached  and  distant  situation  invites  and 
enables  us  to  pursue  a  different  course.  If  we 
remain  one  people,  under  an  efficient  govern- 
ment, the  period  is  not  far  off  when  we  may 
defy  material  injury  from  external  annoyance ; 
when  we  may  take  such  an  attitude  as  will  cause 
the  neutrality  we  may  at  any  time  resolve  upon, 
to  be  scrupulously  respected ;  when  belligerent 
nations,  under  the  impossibility  of  making  ac- 
quisitions upon  us,  will  not  lightly  hazard  the 
giving  us  provocation,  when  we  may  choose 
peace  or  war,  as  our  interest,  guided  by  justice, 
shall  counsel. 

3 


34 

Why  forego  the  advantages  of  so  peculiar  a 
situation?  Why  quit  our  own  to  stand  upon 
foreign  ground?  Why,  by  interweaving  our 
destiny  with  that  of  any  part  of  Europe,  entan- 
gle our  peace  and  prosperity  in  the  toils  of  Eu- 
ropean ambition,  rivalship,  interest,  humor, 
or  caprice? 

It  is  our  true  policy  to  steer  clear  of  perma- 
nent alliance  with  any  portion  of  the  foreign 
world ;  so  far,  I  mean,  as  we  are  now  at  liberty 
to  do  it ;  for  let  me  not  be  understood  as  capa- 
ble of  patronizing  infidelity  to  existing  engage- 
ments. I  hold  the  maxim  no  less  applicable 
to  public  than  private  affairs,  that  honesty  is 
always  the  best  policy.  I  repeat  it,  therefore, 
let  those  engagements  be  observed  in  their  gen- 
uine sense.  But  in  my  opinion,  it  is  unnec- 
essary, and  would  be  unwise  to  extend  them. 

Taking  care  always  to  keep  ourselves  by  suit- 
able establishments,  on  a  respectable  defensive 
posture,  we  may  safely  trust  to  temporary  alli- 
ances for  extraordinary  emergencies. 

Harmony,  and  a  liberal  intercourse  with  all 


35 

nations,  are  recommended  by  policy,  humanity, 
and  interest.  But  even  our  commercial  policy 
should  hold  an  equal  and  impartial  hand  ;  neither 
seeking  nor  granting  exclusive  favors  or  prefer- 
ences ;  consulting  the  natural  course  of  things ; 
diffusing  and  diversifying  by  gentle  means  the 
streams  of  commerce,  but  forcing  nothing ;  es- 
tablishing with  powers  so  disposed,  in  order  to 
give  trade  a  stable  course,  to  define  the  rights 
of  our  merchants,  and  to  enable  the  government 
to  support  them,  conventional  rules  of  inter- 
course, the  best  that  present  circumstances  and 
mutual  opinion  will  permit,  but  temporary,  and 
liable  to  be  from  time  to  time  abandoned  or 
varied  as  experience  and  circumstances  shall 
dictate ;  constantly  keeping  in  view,  that  it  is  r 
folly  in  one  nation  to  look  for  disinterested 
favors  from  another ;  that  it  must  pay  with  a 
portion  of  its  independence  for  whatever  it  may 
accept  under  that  character ;  that  by  such  accept- 
ance, it  may  place  itself  in  the  condition  of 
having  given  equivalents  for  nominal  favors,  and 


36 

yet  of  being  reproached  with  ingratitude  for  not 
giving  more.  There  can  be  no  greater  error 
than  to  expect,  or  calculate  upon  real  favors  from 
nation  to  nation.  It  is  an  illusion  which  expe- 
rience must  cure,  which  a  just  pride  ought  to 
discard. 

In  offering  to  you,  my  countrymen,  these 
counsels  of  an  old  and  affectionate  friend,  I 
dare  not  hope  they  will  make  the  strong  and 
lasting  impression  I  could  wish ;  that  they  will 
control  the  usual  current  of  the  passions,  or 
prevent  our  nation  from  running  the  course 
which  has  hitherto  marked  the  destiny  of 
nations,  but  if  I  may  even  flatter  myself  that 
they  may  be  productive  of  some  partial  benefit, 
some  occasional  good ;  that  they  may  now  and 
then  recur  to  moderate  the  fury  of  party  spirit, 
to  warn  against  the  mischiefs  of  foreign  intrigue, 
to  guard  against  the  impostures  of  pretended 
patriotism ;  this  hope  will  be  a  full  recompense 
for  the  solicitude  for  your  welfare  by  which 
they  have  been  dictated. 


37 

How  far,  in  the  discharge  of  my  official 
duties,  I  have  been  guided  by  the  principles 
which  have  been  delineated,  the  public  records 
and  other  evidences  of  my  conduct  must  wit- 
ness to  you  and  to  the  world.  To  myself,  the 
assurance  of  my  own  conscience  is,  that  I  have, 
at  least,  believed  myself  to  be  guided  by  them. 

In  relation  to  the  still  subsisting  war  in 
Europe,  my  proclamation  of  the  22d  of  April, 
1793,  is  the  index  to  my  plan.  Sanctioned  by 
your  approving  voice,  and  by  that  of  your  rep- 
resentatives in  both  houses  of  congress,  the 
spirit  of  that  measure  has  continually  governed 
me,  uninfluenced  by  any  attempts  to  deter  or 
divert  me  from  it. 

After  deliberate  examination,  with  the  aid  of 
the  best  lights  I  could  obtain,  I  was  well  satis- 
fied that  our  country,  under  all  the  circum- 
stances of  the  case,  had  a  right  to  take,  and  was 
bound,  in  duty  and  interest,  to  take  a  neutral 
position.  Having  taken  it,  I  determined,  as  far 
as  should  depend  upon  me,  to  maintain  it  with 
moderation,  perseverance  and  firmness. 

279588 


38 

The  considerations  which  respect  the  right 
to  hold  this  conduct,  it  is  not  necessary  on  this 
occasion  to  detail.  I  will  only  observe  that, 
according  to  my  understanding  of  the  matter, 
that  right,  so  far  from  being  denied  by  any 
of  the  belligerent  powers,  has  been  virtually 
admitted  by  all. 

The  duty  of  holding  a  neutral  conduct  may 
be  inferred,  without  any  thing  more,  from  the 
obligation  which  justice  and  humanity  impose 
on  every  nation,  in  cases  in  which  it  is  free  to 
act,  to  maintain  inviolate  the  relations  of  peace 
and  amity  towards  other  nations. 

The  inducements  of  interest  for  observing 
that  conduct  will  best  be  referred  to  your  own 
reflections  and  experience.  With  me,  a  pre- 
dominant motive  has  been  to  endeavor  to  gain 
time  to  our  country  to  settle  and  mature  its  yet 
recent  institutions,  and  to  progress,  without  in- 
terruption, to  that  degree  of  strength,  and  con- 
sistency which  is  necessary  to  give  it,  humanly 
speaking,  the  command  of  its  own  fortunes. 


39 

Though  in  reviewing  the  incidents  of  my 
administration,  I  am  unconscious  of  intentional 
error,  I  am  nevertheless  too  sensible  of  my  de- 
fects not  to  think  it  probable  that  I  may  have 
committed  many  errors.  Whatever  they  may 
be,  I  fervently  beseech  the  Almighty  to  avert  or 
mitigate  the  evils  to  which  they  may  tend.  I 
shall  also  carry  with  me  the  hope  that  my 
country  will  never  cease  to  view  them  with  in- 
dulgence ;  and  that,  after  forty-five  years  of  my 
life  dedicated  to  its  service,  with  an  upright  zeal, 
the  faults  of  incompetent  abilities  will  be  con- 
signed to  oblivion,  as  myself  must  soon  be  to 
the  mansions  of  rest. 

Relying  on  its  kindness  in  this  as  in  other 
things,  and  actuated  by  that  fervent  love  towards 
it,  which  is  so  natural  to  a  man  who  views  in  it 
the  native  soil  of  himself  and  his  progenitors 
for  several  generations ;  I  anticipate  with  pleas- 
ing expectation  that  retreat  in  which  I  promise 
myself  to  realize,  without  alloy,  the  sweet  enjoy- 
ment of  partaking,  in  the  midst  of  my  fellow 


40 

citizens,  the  benign  influence  of  good  laws  under 
a  free  government — the  ever  favorite  object  of 
my  heart,  and  the  happy  reward,  as  I  trust,  of 
our  mutual  cares,  labors  and  dangers. 

GEO.  WASHINGTON. 
UNITED  STATES, 

ijth  September,  1796. 


CALIFORNIA 


LOS  ANGELES 
LIBRARY 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA,  LOS  ANGELES 
THE  UNIVERSITY  LIBRARY 

This  book  is  DUE  on  the  last  date  stamped  below 

I 


OCT  17  1947 

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